הסכסוך הישראלי פלסטיני
We recommend, in the fifth place, serious modification of the extreme Zionist Program for Palestine of unlimited immigration of Jews, looking finally to making Palestine distinctly a Jewish State.
(1) The Commissioners began their study of Zionism with minds predisposed in its favor, but the actual facts in Palestine, coupled with the force of the general principles proclaimed by the Allies and accepted by the Syrians have driven them to the recommendation here made.
(2) The Commission was abundantly supplied with literature on the Zionist program by the Zionist Commission to Palestine; heard in conferences much concerning the Zionist colonies and their claims; and personally saw something of what had been accomplished. They found much to approve in the aspirations and plans of the Zionists, and had warm appreciation for the devotion of many of the colonists, and for their success, by modem methods, in overcoming great natural obstacles.
(3) The Commission recognized also that definite encouragement had been given to the Zionists by the Allies in Mr. Balfour's often quoted statement, in its approval by other representatives of the Allies. If, however, the strict terms of the Balfour Statement are adhered to-favoring "the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine"—it can hardly be doubted that the extreme Zionist Program must be greatly modified. For a "national home for the Jewish people" is not equivalent to making Palestine into a Jewish State; nor ran the erection of such a Jewish State be accomplished without the gravest trespass upon the "civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine." The fact came out repeatedly in the Commission's conference with Jewish representatives, that the Zionists looked forward to a practically complete dispossession of the present non-Jewish inhabitants of Palestine, by various forms of purchase.
In his address of July 4, 1918, President Wilson laid down the following principle as one of the four great "ends for which the associated peoples of the world were fighting": "The settlement of every question, whether of territory, of sovereignty, of economic arrangement or of political relationship upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the people immediately concerned, and not upon the basis of the material interest or advantage of any other nation or people which may desire a different settlement for the sake of its own exterior influence or mastery." If that principle is to rule, and so the wishes of Palestine's population are to be decisive as to what is to be done with Palestine, then it is to be remembered that the non-Jewish population of Palestine-nearly nine-tenths of the whole-are emphatically against the entire Zionist program. The tables show that there was no one thing upon which the population of Palestine was more agreed than upon this. To subject a people so minded to unlimited Jewish immigration, and to steady financial and social pressure to surrender the land, would be a gross violation of the principle just quoted, and of the peoples' rights, though it kept within the forms of law.
It is to be noted also that the feeling against the Zionist program is not confined to Palestine, but shared very generally by the people throughout Syria, as our conferences clearly showed. More than 72 per cent--1350 in all--of all the petitions in the whole of Syria were directed against the Zionist program. Only two requests-those for a united Syria and for independence-had a larger support. This general feeling was only voiced by the "General Syrian Congress," in the seventh, eighth and tenth resolutions of their statement [paras. 7, 8, 10, Doc. 251....
The Peace Conference should not shut its eyes to the fact that the Anti-Zionist feeling in Palestine and Syria is intense and not lightly to be flouted. No British officer, consulted by the Commissioners, believed that the Zionist program could be carried out except by force of arms. The officers generally thought a force of not less than fifty thousand soldiers would be required even to initiate the program. That of itself is evidence of a strong sense of the injustice of the Zionist program, on the part of the non-Jewish populations of Palestine and Syria. Decisions, requiring armies to carry out, are sometimes necessary, but they are surely not gratuitously to be taken in the interests of a serious injustice. For the initial claim, often submitted by Zionist representatives, that they have a "right" to Palestine, based on an occupation of two thousand years ago, can hardly be seriously considered.
There is a further consideration that cannot justly be ignored, if the world is to look forward to Palestine becoming a definitely Jewish state, however gradually that may take place. That consideration grows out of the fact that Palestine is "the Holy Land" for Jews, Christians, and Moslems alike. Millions of Christians and Moslems all over the world are quite as much concerned as the Jews with conditions in Palestine, especially with those conditions which touch upon religious feeling and rights. The relations in these matters in Palestine are most delicate and difficult. With the best possible intentions, it may be doubted whether the Jews could possibly seem to either Christians or Moslems proper guardians of the holy places, or custodians of the Holy Land as a whole. The reason is this: the places which are most sacred to Christians-those having to do with Jesus-and which are also sacred to Moslems, are not only not sacred to Jews, but abhorrent to them. It is simply impossible, under those circumstances, for Moslems and Christians to feel satisfied to have these places in Jewish hands, or under the custody of Jews. There are still other places about which Moslems must have the same feeling. In fact, from this point of view, the Moslems, just because the sacred places of all three religions are sacred to them, have made very naturally much more satisfactory custodians of the holy places than the Jews could be. It must be believed that the precise meaning, in this respect, of the complete Jewish occupation of Palestine has not been fully sensed by those who urge the extreme Zionist program. For it would intensify, with a certainty like fate, the anti-Jewish feeling both in Palestine and in all other portions of the world which look to Palestine as "the Holy Land."
In view of all these considerations, and with a deep sense of sympathy for the Jewish cause, the Commissioners feel bound to recommend that only a greatly reduced Zionist program be attempted by the Peace Conference, and even that, only very gradually initiated. This would have to mean that Jewish immigration should be definitely limited, and that the project for making Palestine distinctly a Jewish commonwealth should be given up.
There would then be no reason why Palestine could not be included in a united Syrian State, just as other portions of the country, the holy places being cared for by an International and Inter-religious Commission, somewhat as at present, under the oversight and approval of the Mandatory and of the League of Nations. The Jews, of course, would have representation upon this Commission.
עיקרי הדברים בעברית
"חברי הועדה החלו את הסקירה של הציונות כאשר הם באים מראש עם גישה חיובית לטובת הציונות אך העובדות שקיימות למעשה בשטח בפלסטין אילצו את הועדה להגיע להמלצות הבאות"
"לוועדה ניתנה סִפְרוּת ענפה בנוגע לתכנית הציונית על ידי המשלחת הציונות בפלסטין, שמעה כנסים בנושא ההתיישבות הציונית וראתה באופן ישיר כיצד הדברים יצאו לפעול בשטח. אנשי הוועדה רואים בהערכה רבה את המסירות של המתיישבים הציונים ואת הצלחתם בדרכים מודרניות לגבור על מכשולים טבעיים."
"הוועדה זיהתה את התמיכה הבריטית בציונים בדברי האדון בלפור אשר מצוּטַט לרוב כאישור של נציג בעלות הברית לתכנית הציונית.
אך אם באמת הכוונה של בלפור היא לטובת "הקמת בית לאומי לעם היהודי בפלסטין" וגם ש "לא ייעשה שום דבר העלול לפגוע בזכויות האזרחיות והדתיות של עדות לא יהודיות בפלסטין" (מתוך הצהרת בלפור) אז אין ספק שיש צורך בשינוי קיצוני של התֹכנית הציונית."
"בית לאומי לעם היהודי אינו שווה ערך להפיכת פלסטין למדינה יהודית, וכמו כן הקמה של מדינה יהודית שכזו לא תוכל להתממש ללא פגיעה חמורה ב"זכויות האזרחיות והדתיות של עדות לא יהודיות בפלסטין".
הדבר בא לידי ביטוי באופן חוזר ונשנה בחילופי הדברים בין חברי המשלחת בפגישות עם נציגים יהודים, כאשר האחרונים אמרו כי הציונים מצפים לנשל באופן טוטאלי את הנוכחות של התושבים הלא יהודים בפלסטין בדרכים כלכליות שונות (by various forms of purchase).
"יש להתחשב בכך שהתושבים הלא יהודים בפלסטין ,המהווים כ 90% מהאוכלוסייה, אינם מעוניינים בהגשמת התכנית הציונית." (על פי מפקד שהבריטים עשו בפלסטין ואשר מוצג בדו"ח קריין-קינג- מתוך 647,500 תושבי פלסטין, רק 65,000 מהם היו יהודים).
"להכניע אוכלוסייה כל כך נחושה בדעתה כנגד הגירה בלתי מוגבלת של יהודים וייצוב כלכלתם תמורת כניעה של אדמה יהווה הפרה בוטה של העקרונות של ווילסון ושל זכויות התושבים, למרות שהדבר ייעשה בדרכים חוקיות."
"לא היה קצין בריטי אחד אשר התייעץ עם אנשי המשלחת והאמין כי ניתן להגשים את התכנית הציונית ללא כוח צבאי. הקצינים חשבו בכלליות שכוח המונה לפחות 50,000 חיילים יהיו הכרחיים על מנת להתחיל את התכנית. זה לכשעצמו מראה את האי צדק הקיים בתכנית הציונית בכל הנוגע לאוכלוסייה הלא יהודית בפלסטין ובסוריה."
"הטיעון המרכזי שמובא באופן תדיר על ידי נציגים ציוניים הוא שלציונים יש את הזכות על פלסטין על בסיס כיבוש הארץ מהם לפני 2000 שנה, לא ניתן לקחת טיעון שכזה ברצינות."
"במבט על כל השיקולים ועם סימפטיה רבה למטרה היהודית, חברי הועדה מרגישים חובה להמליץ על כך שרק צמצום משמעותי בתכנית הציונית, תצא לפועל. כלומר, ההגירה היהודית צריכה להיות מוגבלת ויש לוותר על המיזם להפוך את פלסטין למדינה יהודית."